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AKST Systems in Latin America and the Caribbean: Evolution, Effectiveness and Impact | 85
In order to overcome these problems, a variety of semiautonomous
institutions have been established, based on the
assumption that they would be free from political influence
in such fields as hiring and would enjoy greater flexibility in
such areas as their administrative regulations. Often, however, the institutional changes proposed
could not be implemented, o were only done so partially.
When examining the reasons, one or more of these factors
seem to have played a role: (1) the Ministry of Agriculture
or its equivalent agency would not renounce control of the
AKST body; (2) the new human resource policies were not
all that different from those applied in Ministry departments;
(3) administrative procedures and financial controls
remained too complex. Human resource issues cannot be attributed to the quality
of researchers, who are often cited as among the most
capable and productive scientists in the field, but rather
to the working atmosphere and the resources available to
those centers. It should also be noted that simply improving
salaries to attract and retain competent personnel does
not automatically increase productivity nor the quality of
research unless, at the same time, more attention is paid to
the processes whereby staff is hired, evaluated, and provided
with incentives. Sometimes, particularly in traditional government systems,
annual salary increases and promotions are based on
seniority, not on productivity. The reason such systems were
adopted was to discourage “favoritism.” This is undoubtedly
a consideration. However, it has become a crutch for
a majority of the personnel of these institutions, aggravated
in some countries by the existence of labor laws that make
it almost impossible to sanction or fire unproductive employees.
Productivity is thus rarely valued or rewarded, a
severe weakness of some national institutions that, unless
corrected, will condemn them to mediocrity. In addition, LAC’s oldest publicly funded research institutions
such as EMBRAPA, INTA, INIA and INIFAP of
Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico respectively are faced
with a problem of ageing researchers and support staff. Few
of these institutions have adopted plans to renew or replace
human resources due for retirement. In some countries, such
as Mexico, this has resulted from a government policy of “indiscriminately downsizing the state apparatus”—an issue
that merits critical assessment with a view to designing
rational, efficient and effective policies. Few AKST institutions have programs for training their
scientific and technical staff and keeping them up to speed
on current developments in their field, nor do they offer incentives
to attract talented young people into cutting-edge
research in new, highly promising fields like biotechnology
or nanotechnology. Even less attention has been paid to
other fields of knowledge—economic, social, anthropological—
that are not so new or popular, but are very valuable
when it comes to explaining and encouraging individual and
collective attitudes and actions in order to generate and implement
innovations leading to productive, sustainable and
equitable development. The abovementioned challenges justify efforts to promote a greater and more effective interaction between research centers and advanced training and education institutions, and to promote their participation in projects of |
interest to their respective countries and societies involving
what is known as Participatory Innovation Development. In the administrative field, it is clear that senior managers
of AKST institutions feel more comfortable with bureaucratic
procedures than with more flexible systems for
administering financial resources and purchasing inputs,
since the former protect them from being accused of mismanagement.
Safeguards or controls are necessary to prevent
abuses, but it is also essential to adopt more flexible
and effective administration and financing systems. This is
particularly crucial in AKST system institutions, where significant
delays in making funds available, or in purchasing
equipment and inputs, can negatively affect the effectiveness
of research. However, either because of the nature of their legal constitutions
or because of subsequent administrative decisions
by the Central Government, most NARIs have operated
within the administrative restrictions and political interference
that characterize Latin America’s public sector (Bisang,
2003). Piñeiro, (2003) cites Argentina’s National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA) as an example of the progressive erosion of their autonomy (Piñeiro et al., 2003). Created in 1958, INTA’s charter granted it financial and administrative autarchy. However, over the years, the political authorities gradually curtailed this independence, converting it de facto into an institution with the same restrictions as the rest of the central administration. (Recently, this situation was reversed when INTA recovered its budgetary autonomy.) A similar situation occurred with Mexico’s National
Agricultural Research Institute (NARI), which was widely
recognized for its effectiveness, efficiency and productivity.
Legally, it was a deconcentrated body of the central administration;
from the beginning it was endowed with a trust
fund that allowed for flexible and timely financing and operational
autonomy. This mechanism was canceled in 1982,
as part of a general government instruction to cancel public
trust funds, and thereafter the Institute became subject to
the regulations of the central administration, which were
not very suitable to research functions. However, national
public research centers like INIFAP currently enjoy a trust
fund that contributes to the flexible and timely financing of
their research activities. At present, the effectiveness and relevance of AKST system
institutions is in doubt. The lack of consistent political
support, the ensuing weakness and randomness of public
funding, and institutional “obsolescence” in the face of the
growing complexity of science and extraordinary changes in
the economic context, all call for AKST institutions in LAC
countries to embrace modernization (Piñeiro and Trigo,
1983), including modifications to their management processes
and their links with users. To be more efficient and effective, changes to AKST system institutions must be approved, implemented, and audited. External political pressures must ensure that these changes are approved by higher-level government authorities. That will not be easy. This external political pressure may be exerted more naturally and efficiently by society through the social oversight of stakeholders, who will ensure that AKST institutions implement the approved changes. In other words, the advancement of AKST systems in LAC de |
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