56 | East and South Asia and the Pacific (ESAP) Report

2.4.4.5   Ownership and control over resources
The effect of AKST also depends upon the ownership and control over the agricultural land, the most basic resource of agricultural production. Land ownership and control is important because it influences the negotiations and deci­sions of women within the household (Crowley, 2001). It was the single most important contributor to women's eco­nomic wellbeing, social status and empowerment (Agarwal, 1994). However, ownership of land may not always give women control over the land, as a study showed in Kerala, India (Arun, 1999). Women's control over key economic re­sources was more important than economic ownership and was critical to their power within the family. It was impor­tant that women had direct access to critical farm inputs to enable them to maximize outputs, challenge ideas of "wom­en's work," gain control over other factors of production and change social norms. Most importantly, there should be a concerted effort to enable women to function as inde­pendent farmers who control their own land (Arun, 1999). Enhancing land rights of women requires that those rights become a political priority and a legal possibility; it also requires administrative viability, social acceptability, and moral legitimacy (Crowley, 2001). Complementary policies must address women's limitations in exercising and enjoy­ing their land rights. Control over land is essential because, even with assured land rights, investments in property re­quire access to financial markets, information, extension and other services. Agricultural technology that requires large assets to adopt is more likely to exclude women from the direct benefits. When women earn and control their in­come, they can use it as a bargaining chip, with the im­plicit threat of withdrawing it from the household economy (Naved, 2000). The effect of AKST depends upon the differences in control over assets and technology. The study in Bangla­desh showed the choice of new technology and its effect (Meinzen-Dick et al., 2003). The improved vegetables were disseminated to poor women, who could grow them on their homestead, so poor families with only homestead land could also participate. In contrast, one fishpond program focused on those with private fishponds, who were often not poor. Moreover, homestead land was more under women's control; farmland, including fishponds, was more likely to be under men's control. The vegetable program reached women and the very poor, while the output of the private fishpond program went mostly to men.

 

2.4.4.6  Measures taken for equity and sustainable development In ESAP, being aware of gender issues and incorporating women's needs and priorities in planning is increasing and some steps have been taken to integrate women's concerns (Kelkar, 2005). Some positive results have been seen. How­ever, there is a long way to go meet the goal and there have been limitations (Rahman, 1999). Some initiatives are mi­crocredit programs in ESAP, such as Grameen Bank in Ban­gladesh, India and the Philippines (Amin et al., 1998; Mil-gram, 2005; Holvoet, 2006). Another effective tool used to empower women is by training poor women in management, trading and market­ing, such as managing a small-scale aquaculture enterprise in Vietnamese integrated farming, using a garden, a pond and animal husbandry. In two northern provinces of Viet Nam women gained knowledge from training that helped them make decisions in managing the aquaculture. Once they made such decisions, their position in the household strengthened (Voeten and Ottens, 1997). In addition to training, group meetings, and saving and credit programs, there was potential for information and communication technology to improve women's and children's access to information and knowledge, enhance their education and accelerate technology transfer. Radio and television were used extensively in several countries to inform and educate rural women about health, nutrition and agriculture. The best-known case studies of informa­tion technology's potential benefits for rural women's liveli­hoods are Bangladesh Grameen Communications' venture of rural women's cell phone enterprises; Pondicherry Vil­lage Information Shops; e-Chaupal for market information; SEWA's program on skills development to support women's work in the informal sector; Sri Lanka's Kotmale Project; and   information   kiosks   and   telecenters   (Balakrishnan, 2005). Despite the potential, the threat is that an increased dig­ital divide will widen inequality in information, education and knowledge between women and men, rich and poor, ur­ban and rural communities (Kelkar et al., 2005). Therefore, it is necessary to ensure that new agricultural technology is appropriate for the groups of people who most need assis­tance. Furthermore, it is necessary to assess whether the new technology actually reduces poverty and inequality.

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